Channeling Goddess: the Divine Feminine as a Necessary Balancing Force

The increasing awareness of the feminine’s powerful and necessary balancing force to the masculine has necessitated a reacquaintance with the concept of divine feminine energy. The embodiment of these energies is an ongoing endeavor to restore balance in a world almost entirely overrun by exploitative masculine energies.

This article provides an overview of six feminine deities from the Continent, highlighting their attributes, the energies they symbolize, and their associated meanings.

The Divine Feminine in African Culture

The Yoruba pantheon includes the primordial goddess of the ocean, Yemoja, who embodies motherhood and fertility. Yemoja is associated with childbirth, nurturing, and protection. She is often depicted as a nurturing mother figure known for her compassion and care.

Yemoja is a deity of great significance in the Yoruba cultural tradition. Her dominion over the ocean represents her vastness and depth, symbolizing water’s nurturing and life-giving aspects. Yemoja is also associated with the moon, which is known to influence ocean tides and women’s fertility cycles. As a mother goddess, Yemoja embodies fertility, compassion, and protection and is revered as a maternal figure who guides and nurtures her children.

The Yoruba deity Oshun is commonly associated with love, beauty, fertility, and rivers. She is also the goddess of sensuality, creativity, and abundance. Her association with rivers symbolizes her sovereignty over emotions, creativity, and the life force. Oshun’s reputation for healing powers precedes her, and she is frequently called upon for matters of love and fertility. Also, the goddess of love and fertility, Oshun embodies feminine beauty, sensuality, and fertility and is often revered as a protector of women and children.

Mami Wata is a water spirit that pervades many West and Central African cultures and the African diaspora. This spirit is strongly associated with water, fertility, wealth, and beauty, much like Oshun and Yemoja. Mami Wata is depicted as a mermaid or a water serpent, symbolizing a connection to the underworld. The spirit embodies both positive and negative aspects of femininity, representing beauty, allure, and danger.

Mami Wata, a deity revered for its mysterious and superior powers, embodies the traits of fertility, abundance, and feminine allure, much like Yemoja and Oshun. This spirit is often invoked to seek blessings of wealth, fertility, and protection.

Isis was a widely revered goddess in ancient Egyptian mythology, notable for her associations with motherhood, magic, fertility, and wisdom. Frequently depicted as a protective mother and a powerful magician, Isis was highly regarded for her role as a devoted wife and mother. One of her most well-known accomplishments was her ability to use her magical abilities to resurrect her husband, Osiris, and safeguard her son, Horus. Often depicted with a throne-shaped headdress, Isis was known as the queen of the gods.

Isis shares similarities with Yemoja and other mother goddesses regarding her nurturing, protective, and maternal qualities. She is revered as a symbol of feminine strength and is often associated with magic and wisdom. Her representation of feminine power and intuition is further reinforced by her role as a protector of the dead, her ability to heal the sick, and her status as a fertility goddess. 

Within the Dahomey tradition, the deity Mawu-Lisa is perceived as a twin godhead characterized by a dual-gendered entity. Mawu, the female aspect, represents the moon, whereas the male element, Lisa, embodies the sun. Mawu-Lisa is primarily associated with creation, fertility, balance, and harmony. This dual-gendered being symbolizes the complementary aspects of both masculine and feminine energies. As such, Mawu represents the nurturing, receptive qualities associated with the moon, while Lisa embodies the active, creative forces of the sun.

Mawu-Lisa particularly represents the delicate balance between opposing forces, emphasizing the harmonious coexistence of masculine and feminine energies and underscoring the importance of balance in African spiritual traditions. This theme of equilibrium is a recurring motif throughout many African cultures, reflecting a deep-seated belief in the interdependence of all things.

In the Baganda Tradition of Uganda, Nambi is regarded as a deity who embodies the attributes of the moon, love, fertility, and the cycle of life. Nambi holds a central position in the creation myth of the Baganda people, where she descends from the heavens to be with Kintu, the first man. The journey of Nambi symbolizes the interconnectedness between the divine and the earthly realm. Further, Nambi is associated with fertility rituals and ceremonies, integral to the Baganda tradition.

Recurring Characteristics of the Divine Feminine

Role in Creation and Fertility: The goddesses mentioned in this discourse and many others not cited are well-noted for their prominent roles in the myths and rituals surrounding creation and fertility. For instance, Yemoja, Oshun, and Mami Wata are revered as the principal deities of fertility in the ocean, rivers, and other water bodies vital for agriculture and sustenance. Similarly, Nambi occupies an essential position in the creation myth of the Baganda people, where she embodies the life-giving aspects of the moon and fertility. Although male deities can also be affiliated with creation and fertility, goddesses are often associated with nurturing and generative qualities more directly and, as such, are frequently invoked in ceremonies related to childbirth, agriculture, and abundance.

Association with Emotional and Intuitive Aspects: Deities and divine figures often hold significant cultural and symbolic value, and their representations can vary greatly depending on the culture and context. In many traditions, goddesses and feminine energies are revered for their emotional and intuitive qualities that resonate with devotees seeking nurturing and empathy. For instance, Isis is renowned for her wisdom, compassion, and magical abilities, while Oshun embodies love, sensuality, and creativity. These qualities make them essential figures for matters of the heart, emotional healing, and spiritual guidance. In contrast, male deities may emphasize different aspects such as strength, leadership, or wisdom. However, the goddesses tend to embody emotional depth and intuition in a way that speaks to the human experience.

Protectors of Women and Children: The goddesses under discussion are highly esteemed as protectors of women, children, and families. Yemoja, for instance, is renowned for her compassionate and protective nature, especially towards mothers and children. Similarly, Mami Wata is believed to bestow protection and blessings upon her devotees, particularly women and children who seek her guidance. While many male deities also offer protection, goddesses are often regarded as nurturing and guardians of vulnerable members of society, reflecting their more maternal and compassionate traits.

Representation in Rituals and Ceremonies: Goddesses have been a significant part of rituals and ceremonies that celebrate various life events, including childbirth, marriage, and harvest festivals. The devotees often present prayers and sacrifices to the goddesses, such as Yemoja and Oshun, seeking safe childbirth and blessings of love and fertility. Moreover, since the goddess is typically associated with the earth, many goddesses are invoked before planting season and during harvests.

Goddesses are often associated with an embodiment of feminine energy and play a pivotal role in various domains such as creation, fertility, emotional and intuitive realms, and protection of women and children. They are also represented in rituals and ceremonies that emphasize nurturing and empathy. These attributes reflect a diversity of roles and qualities within their respective cultural contexts, which enrich the spiritual landscape and provide a balance to the divine masculine energy that often asserts dominance and control in the physical material world. This balance, therefore, is necessary to promote harmony and a sense of equilibrium.

Further Reading:

• Baskerville, R. (1922). The King Of The Snakes. The Sheldon Press. https://digital.library.upenn.edu/women/baskerville/king/king.html
• Lesso, R. (2022, August 17). Who Is The Egyptian Goddess Isis? (7 Facts). TheCollector. https://www.thecollector.com/who-is-the-egyptian-goddess-isis-7-facts/
• Mawu-Lisa. (2024). Oxford Reference. https://www.oxfordreference.com/display/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803100141563
• Ogunleye, A. R. (2015). Cultural identity in the throes of modernity: an appraisal of Yemoja among the Yoruba in Nigeria. https://journals.co.za/doi/pdf/10.10520/EJC171653
• Oshun: African Goddess Of Love And Sweet Waters. (2019, December 25). Ancient Origins Reconstructing The Story Of Humanity’s Past. https://www.ancient-origins.net/myths-legends-africa/oshun-african-goddess-love-and-sweet-waters-002908
• Smithsonian National Museum of African Art. (2009). Mami Wata: Arts For Water Spirits In Africa And Its Diasporas. https://africa.si.edu/exhibits/mamiwata/intro.html

Featured Image:

• FutureRender. (2024, February 14). Yemoja The Orisha of the Sea and Motherhood. https://www.deviantart.com/futurerender/art/Yemoja-The-Orisha-of-the-Sea-and-Motherhood-1019027257

Animism: Exploring the Ancient Belief System Connecting Humans and Nature

_{Devotees at the Osun-Osogbo Festival, Osun State, Credit: Oyefeso, Folu}

Animism, the oldest spiritual belief system, endures among numerous indigenous cultures worldwide. Central to this belief system is the idea that all elements of the natural world, including trees, mountains, and bodies of water, possess consciousness and spiritual essence. Animism is not confined to any specific region or epoch but has been present throughout various cultures across the globe.

This article explores the multifaceted aspects of animism, including its origins, core tenets, and relevance in contemporary society. By examining animism’s historical and cultural significance, we seek to provide a brief and comprehensive understanding of this ancient belief system.

Through our analysis, we aim to highlight the importance of animism in contemporary society, including its potential to inform environmental and spiritual practices. We will also delve into how animism has been adapted and incorporated into modern spiritual practices and how it continues to shape cultural and spiritual traditions across the globe.

Origins of Animism

The etymology of the term “animism” can be traced back to the Latin word “anima,” which translates to “soul” or “life force.” However, the underlying idea predates the term and has its roots in the ancient cultures of prehistoric societies. Animism emerged as a means for early societies to comprehend the world and forge a relationship with the natural environment. The Paleolithic era provides evidence of animistic practices, such as cave paintings and artifacts that suggest a deep reverence for animals, plants, and celestial bodies.

Core Tenets of Animism

At the heart of animism lies the conviction that all entities, regardless of their nature, carry a spiritual essence or soul. This essence is not limited to humans but extends to animals, plants, rivers, mountains, and even inanimate objects, such as stones or tools. Animistic thought posits that this inherent spirituality permeates all aspects of existence, imbuing everything with consciousness, agency, and the capacity to influence the world.

Moreover, animists perceive the natural world as interconnected and interdependent, emphasizing the existence of a complex web of relationships between all beings. This interconnectedness gives rise to a sense of reverence, respect, and responsibility toward nature. Animists often have elaborate rituals, ceremonies, and practices that they carry out to maintain this delicate balance and ensure harmony between humans and the natural world.

It is worth noting that animism has been a significant cultural force throughout human history and is still practiced by many communities worldwide. Its emphasis on the spiritual dimension of life and the interconnectedness of all things resonates with many people who seek a deeper understanding of the world and their place in it.

Examples of Animism

A single cultural tradition does not bind the practice of animism worldwide, yet animism is seen to have existed wherever indigenous people exist. In Northern Nigeria, specifically within the region now known as Kano, the pre-Islamic inhabitants of the land were animists. They worshiped a supreme being while revering spirits and offering sacrifices under a sacred tree called Shamuz (or Shamus in certain records). The high priest, Barbushe, was the only individual permitted to approach the shrine of Shamuz and perform the sacrifices on behalf of the people.

Similarly, the spiritual tradition of the Mawri of Dogondoutchi in The Niger Republic emphasizes the presence of spirits in their daily lives. Their practices are connected to prehistoric Hausas in Kano because they trace their lineage to one of the seven Hausa kingdoms that emerged from Nigeria, specifically Daura.

Elemental deities and spirits in prehistoric cultures also indicate animistic beliefs among them. The existence of fertility goddesses, such as Uwargona in Hausa animism, Ala in the Igbo pantheon, and Assase Ya among the Akan, suggests the recognition of spirits, often with feminine attributes, associated with the element of earth. Similarly, the belief in the existence of Mami Wata, the common name for water spirits across the Western African region, demonstrates a connection to the elements, in this case, water. 

Animism in Contemporary Society

Anthropologists have observed a renewed interest in animism, referred to as “new animism.” This practice involves building respectful relationships with other beings, whether human or non-human. Non-human beings refer to spirits and other entities that animists believe exist beyond the limits of human perception. New animism promotes environmental awareness and emphasizes the disconnection between humans and nature. This concept is anticipated to continue to expand and have a far-reaching impact, especially in the wake of the current ecological crisis. The hope is that recognizing the interconnectedness of all life forms will lead to environmental stewardship, sustainability, and holistic approaches.

It is also important to emphasize that while anthropologists refer to the recent resurgence in animism as “New Animism,” animism is not a new phenomenon. Animistic beliefs and communion with nature were the basis of life among indigenous cultures of the world, which were once denigrated and vilified by colonialists, Christian missionaries, and Muslim Jihadists, particularly across the continent of Africa. Our ancestors have always cultivated a deep respect for nature, recognizing the inherent value of all living beings.

Adopting animist tenets can provide a valuable framework for mitigating and managing ecological concerns. However, it is essential to recognize that animism represents a way of life rather than a mere tool for undoing centuries of environmental mismanagement and abuse. By adopting animistic beliefs, individuals can cultivate a deeper understanding of the interconnectivity and interdependence of all life forms, leading to more sustainable and harmonious relationships with the natural world. Engaging with animism respectfully and well-informedly is essential, as is recognizing its cultural significance and potential for promoting environmental stewardship.

Image Credit: Oyefeso, F. (2022, September 11). The Osun-Osogbo Festival, Osun State. https://www.foluoyefeso.com/post/the-osun-osogbo-festival-osun-state

Spirits and Deities: Exploring the Distinctions in Supernatural Beings

The belief in supernatural beings is a common thread that ties diverse cultures and spiritual traditions among indigenous people. Spirits and deities are two distinct categories of supernatural beings, each with various characteristics and roles within belief systems. This article will explore the differences between spirits and deities, examining their nature, attributes, and the various cultural contexts in which they are revered.

Spirits are often considered less powerful than deities and may be associated with specific places, objects, or events. Deities are often considered more powerful and may be associated with wider aspects of the natural world or human experience. The nature of spirits and deities can vary greatly from culture to culture. In some cultures, spirits may be considered benevolent, while in others, they may be malevolent. Deities may also be considered benevolent, malevolent, or a mix of both.

Deities: Divine Beings of Power and Worship

Spirits are ethereal beings that occupy an intermediary position between the human and divine realms. In indigenous belief systems, spirits are often associated with specific locations, natural elements, or ancestors. They possess individual identities, consciousness, and agency, yet many spirits lack the grandeur and worship typically accorded to deities, which are a different kind of spirit.

John Mbiti has famously categorized spirits into two groups: those created as spirits and those once human beings. Among those created as spirits are divinities or deities, also known as “those who are associates of God”. Divinities—deities from here—often refer to spirits who are personifications of a supreme being’s activities and manifestations of natural phenomena and objects. Examples of these beings include nature (elemental) spirits, deified heroes, and mythological figures.

Deities are supernatural entities regarded as powerful and transcendent beings embodying various divine aspects. They typically possess elevated status and supreme powers and are revered through worship, rituals, and other religious practices. The Yoruba belief system, for example, recognizes over a thousand deities, Orisa—the most extensively recorded of any African belief system. The Orisa are associated with various aspects of nature, human life and experiences. They are revered as direct messengers who are also often described as an aspect of the supreme itself governing specific domains or spheres, such as love, fertility, war, iron, and wisdom.

Deities are often depicted in human form, but they may also be represented by animals, plants, or other objects. They may be benevolent or malevolent, and they may be invoked for help or protection. Deities play an important role in many cultures and religions, and they continue to be a source of fascination and inspiration for people worldwide.

Non-Deific Spirits

In addition to deities, there are also ordinary spirits, or “spiritual beings who are beneath the status of divinities and above the status of men” (Mbiti, 1970). The origin of spirits varies by spiritual belief system. For example, the Mawri in Dogondoutchi, Niger, believe that spirits are the invisible siblings of humans who were condemned to remain unseen as punishment by the supreme being for the sins of their parents, the first man and woman. In this narrative, and others similar to it, spirits are considered contemporaries of humans because they exist in the same plane as humans, with the most obvious difference being that humans cannot perceive them with their sense of sight.

Perhaps the most commonly recognized spirits are those of deceased humans whom their living relatives often venerate. Beliefs about what happens to our spirits after they depart the human body vary from culture to culture. However, formerly embodied spirits are widely recognized within African spiritual systems. A previous post discussing what happens when we die established that the supernatural plane, where formerly embodied spirits reside, is regarded as an integral part of the material world. As such, in every aspect of our human existence, transitioned spirits “are not merely invoked and observed; their participation and benediction are also requested” (Okwu, 1979). Invoking formerly embodied spirits for their participation and benediction constitutes ancestral veneration.

One key distinction of spirits is their accessibility to human interactions. They are considered approachable, often mediating between humans and higher supernatural powers. Spirits can be invoked, propitiated, and engaged through various rituals, offerings, or acts of reverence.

Key Differences between Spirits and Deities:

The main differences between deities and non-deific spirits can be seen in their power, status, modes of veneration, domains of influence, and transcendence. Deities are often considered more powerful and hold higher status than non-deific spirits. They are worshipped on a grander scale and are associated with broader cosmic functions and mythologies. Deities often receive “formal” veneration through organized practices, such as rituals and ceremonies. 

On the other hand, non-deific spirits may be venerated through more informal means, such as offerings or prayers. Deities are typically associated with specific domains and spheres of influence, such as nature, love, war, or wisdom. Non-deific spirits often have a narrower focus and are connected to ancestral lineages within familial clans and groups.

Deities are often perceived as being transcendent, transcending beyond the human realm. Non-deific spirits are more immanent, tied to specific locations or natural phenomena.

The distinctions between spirits and deities can vary in cultural and religious contexts. For instance, in some belief systems, certain spirits may be elevated to the status of deities over time through communal recognition, while in other cultures, deities may have originated as spirits before gaining prominence and broader worship. Moreover, the line between spirits and deities can blur in certain traditions, with beings possessing both qualities. In these cases, the categorization may depend on the cultural lens and individual interpretations within the belief system.

Summing Up Supernatural Beings: Key Takeaways

Deities and non-deific spirits represent two distinct categories of supernatural beings that hold significant roles within various cultural and religious frameworks. While spirits are intermediary beings with accessible and localized presence, deities are powerful and transcendent entities, often venerated on a larger scale. Understanding the differences between spirits and deities enhances our comprehension of diverse belief systems, providing insight into the complex relationships between humans and the supernatural world.

It is important to recognize that the nuances of these distinctions can vary greatly across cultures, emphasizing the diversity of human spiritual experiences and the multifaceted nature of supernatural beliefs. By exploring these differences, we can better appreciate the rich tapestry of human spirituality and the myriad ways individuals and communities connect with the unseen realms.

Citation

• Mbiti, J. S. (1970). African religions & philosophy. Heinemann.
• Okwu, A. S. O. (1979). Life, Death, Reincarnation, and Traditional Healing in Africa. Issue: A Journal of Opinion, 9(3), 19. 10.2307/1166258

Image credit: Heywood, Paolo. (2017) 2023. “Ontological turn, the”. In The Open Encyclopedia of Anthropology, edited by Felix Stein. Facsimile of the first edition in The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Anthropology. Online: http://doi.org/10.29164/17ontology

Hausa & Queer; the origins and existence of Yan Daudu in Northern Nigeria

This article does not set out to “prove” that queerness was inherent among the Hausas. Rather, it offers a brief exploration into the origins of Yan Daudu, perhaps the earliest queer people among the Hausas of northern Nigeria. 

To understand the origins of Yan Daudu,  we have to go back to the early post-Islamic northern Nigeria, when Islam began to thrive in major Hausa cities. Hausa animists, also known as Maguzawa, who resided within those cities, were expelled to the fringes of society because their cultural and religious beliefs greatly contrasted with Islam. It is among this group that Yan Daudu would come to find some level of acceptance that allowed them to take root at the fringes of major Hausa cities.

Origins

Yan Daudu are named after a flamboyant male spirit in the Hausa pantheon of spirits. He is often described as a loose, gambling, and well-dressed male spirit (Voice, 1999; Sinikangas, 2004), and the name yan Daudu translates to “sons of Daudu”. 

Yan Daudu have always existed within the Hausa community; the fact that their name derives from an old spirit in Hausa animism is a testament to that. They are often feminine-presenting men who sometimes engage in sex work even though they do not necessarily identify as homosexuals. They are also known to occupy socially ambiguous spaces about their faith as either Muslims or adherents of Hausa animism  (Gaudio, 2005). 

Salamone expands on this ambiguity in Hausa concepts of masculinity and the ‘Yan Daudu  (2005). 

He writes: “In this system, men who are more or less exclusively homosexual (not always, but often trans […] or at least effeminate males) have sexual relationships with men not culturally distinguished from other men. These “men who talk like women” form a link between the old non-Muslim Hausa and the Muslim Hausa, indicating where stress lines still exist between the old and new Hausa identities for the coming of Islam to West African societies necessitated a rethinking of numerous cultural and social arrangements, not least of which were the relationship between men and women and the organization of family life.”

Even though they were perceived as an ‘other’, many Yan Daudu married women and kept families. However, as Salamone (2005)  adds, this did not mean they stopped engaging in “homosexual behavior.” 

In his words, “The sexual experiences of many ‘Yan Daudu and other gay Hausa men, however, indicate that heterosexual marriage and homosexual behavior are in no way mutually exclusive in Hausaland. Like other Hausa men (gay and straight), married Yan Daudu take seriously their responsibilities as husbands and fathers, and expect their wives, children and other dependent kinfolk to show them due respect.”

Gidan Mata

Yan Daudu are often placed as co-habitants with Karuwai (female sex workers) at Gidan Mata. Loosley translated to “house of women”, Gidan Mata is typically a living quarters for Hausa women who have left their husbands or parents to fend for themselves. Many of these women eventually resorted to sex work, Karuwanci, to make ends meet. 

In Houses of Women: a Focus on Alternative Life-Styles in Katsina City, Renee Pittin (1983) describes Gidan Mata as follows: “​​‘Houses of women’, as the term is used in Hausa (gidajen mata; sing. gidan mata), do not necessarily house only women…Rather, the term is a euphemism for the houses which accommodate women on their own, who support themselves completely or in part by selling their sexual services, and which accommodate also other independent women, and the men [Yan Daudu] who are, economically and socially, an integral part of what may be treated as the sexual demi-monde of Hausa society.”

Yan Daudu favored living among women and mainly desired to associate with women. Consequently, they often assumed roles predominantly carried out by women. However, perhaps the most important reason Yan Daudu became inhabitants of Gidan Mata was that they felt a kinship with Karuwai because their sexual identities were considered inappropriate and ‘uncontrolled’ within the male-dominated Islamic society.

Both men and women who lived at Gidan Mata often became adherents of Hausa animism and participated in spirit possession ceremonies known as Bori. Sometimes to meet ends which were otherwise not attainable to them. However, for women, becoming an adherent was appealing because the Maguzawa did not practice the seclusion of women. On the contrary, women held high positions within the Bori belief system, owned farms, and played significant roles during religious rituals and spirit possession ceremonies. In addition, the leader (Magajiya) of the Gidan Mata was often an influential Bori practitioner and/or priestess who performed sacred rites and rituals. 

Where are they now?

Yan Daudu continue to exist within the fringes of the now predominantly Islamic northern Nigeria. However, in the recent past, they have been persecuted by their kinsmen because their lifestyle is considered an abomination under Islam, even though their presence preceded Islam within the existing region where they once freely thrived. 

Furthermore, being a sexual minority in Nigeria means that the issues that affect Yan Daudu are not typically mainstreamed in development interventions and programming. As a result, the population has been adversely affected by HIV/AIDS. Insufficient institutional action has meant they have not been adequately reached with the necessary health interventions (Tocco, 2014) needed to live safer and healthier lives.

Notwithstanding, the Yan Daudu are a resilient group whose presence remains within the fringes of major Hausa cities in northern Nigeria.

Sources:

Gaudio, R. P. (2005). Male Lesbians and Other Queen Notions in Hausa. In A. Cornwall (Ed.), Readings in gender in Africa. James Currey Publishers.

Immigration And Refugee Board Of Canada. (2019, February). The Situation Of Sexual And Gender Minorities In Nigeria (2014-2018). Research Directorate Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada. https://irb.gc.ca/en/country-information/research/Pages/situation-gender-minorities-nigeria.aspx

Sinikangas, M. (2004). Yan Daudu A Study of Transgendering Men in Hausaland West Africa.

Stephen Murray & Will Roscoe (eds) (1998), Boy Wives & Female Husbands: Studies of African Homosexualities, London: Macmillan

Sullivan, J. (2005). Exploring Bori as a Site of Myth in Hausa Culture. Journal of African Cultural Studies, 17(2), 271–282. https://doi.org/10.1080/13696850500448378

Tocco, J. U. (2014). The Mode of Transmission That Dare Not Speak Its Name: Islam, AIDS and the Public Secret of Homosexuality in Northern Nigeria (N. Beckmann, A. Gusman, & C. Shroff, Eds.). British Academy. https://academic.oup.com/british-academy-scholarship-online/book/292/chapter-abstract/134878543?redirectedFrom=fulltext

Voice, V. (1999, June 22). ‘Yan Daudu’ And Proud – The Village Voice. The Village Voice. https://www.villagevoice.com/1999/06/22/yan-daudu-and-proud/

African Time: cyclical or linear?

_{Mmere Dane, the Adrinkan symbol and phrase meaning “time changes.”}

This is a brief synopsis of three articles discussing how societies across the African continent understand and perceive time. As usual, these answer some personal questions and open up a range of so many other questions. I hope you find them useful!

Time in traditional African thought by John Parratt

This critique of John Mbiti’s work on how African societies perceive time. Mbiti has asserted that in the African conception of time, the future is non-existent since it looks toward things and events that are yet to happen, thereby nullifying the concept of time as a linear concept composing of a past, present, and future. 

Mbiti asserts that time for the African is composed of a past and a present now being experienced, and a present which has yet to occur but the occurrence of which is certain because it is on the rhythm of nature. Mbiti’s claims are backed by the fact that certain African languages have no words to describe the concept of a future time.

Pratt argues against Mbiti’s assertions claiming that linguistics alone cannot be the basis of Mbiti’s claims about time. He cites another scholar who shows that Niangoran-Bouah in the Ivory Coast used a calendrical system to tell time, largely based on seasonal rituals. This gives rise to the claim that time in many African cultures is regulated based on certain festivals known to be held after certain intervals, for example, the New Yam Festival by the Igbos held in August.

Similarly, the Kaguru and Tiv people are observed to record time-based on events experienced by the collective groups.

This leads to the assertion of time either as oecological – relating to the cycles and rhythms of nature – or structural, relating to a person’s relationship with their society at different phases of life.

For all of his arguments against Mbiti, Parratt concludes that three overlapping circles represent time in the African perspective. He says: “Time in Africa…could perhaps be better illustrated in terms of three successive and partially intersecting circles, representing respectively the mythical past, the remembered past, and the present…a straightforward linear time scale is not involved.”

Parratt, J. (1977). Time in traditional African thought. Religion, 7(2), 117–126. https://doi.org/10.1016/0048-721x(77)90019-7

African Concept of Time, a Socio-Cultural Reality in the Process of Change 

In this paper, the authors explain that African view time as a socio-cultural phenomenon collectively experienced. Furthermore, they argue that time is a phenomenon which stretches beyond the physical realm into an ontological dimension, making it both secular and sacred. 

The authors argue that the significance of time is drawn from daily events – such as milking cattle at sunrise –  or social events – such as planting and harvest seasons.

The authors raise a point about idleness – the gap between the time for planting, harvests, and other communal events. Although, according to Europeans, Africans were often found idle and “wasting time”, the authors argue that idleness was, in fact, “preparation for time”, adding that “the economic circumstance of the day would dictate the pace of activities.”

They argue against Mbiti’s notion of no future in the African conception of time, highlighting the system of checks and balances in the old Oyo Empire, dating back to 1754. The Empire had a plan to prevent any ruling monarch from becoming either despotic or autocratic, thus making it mandatory for the Alaafin to consult the Oyomesi council of chiefs before taking decisions on the affairs of the state. According to the authors, the checks and balances in the Oyo Emirate were in place to ensure a good future and a peaceful one for the Oyo kingdom. 

According to these authors, checks and balances indicate that Africans are conscious of a distant future, contrary to what Mbiti has argued. 

Fumilola Babalola, S., & Ayodeji Alokan, O. (2013). African Concept of Time, a Socio-Cultural Reality in the Process of Change. Journal of Education and Practice, 4(7). https://www.iiste.org/Journals/index.php/JEP/article/viewFile/5290/5293

Africa’s understanding of time and history: The line over against the cycle Jan AB Jongeneel

The author argues for linear time over cyclical time while recognizing that many Africans still regard the former over the latter. According to the author, “the power of the cycle in African traditional religions and the power of the symbiosis of the cycle and the line in various circles of African Christianity, African Islam, and African secularism is much bigger than the investigated publications of Mbiti, and Bosch suggests.”

The author attests that many African societies had a cyclical approach to time, however, Judaism, and eventually, Christianity, and Islam, brought the concept of linear time to the continent. It’s worth noting here that Jongeneel asserts that the Jews were bound by “divine historical events”, which places them as forward-looking people who believe in a God that reveals his purpose for humanity over time and who will eventually bring his will to fulfilment in the “eschaton”, or at the end of time.  

This belief is in contrast with the cyclical notion of time which is referred to in the text as “reversed teleology”, where “the final purpose [of human life] is in the past rather than in the future.”

While the author references Mbiti, he introduces new scholars such as John A.A. Ayoade, who is said to have distinguished between various types of time cycles based on the traditions of Yoruba peoples in West Africa. Ayoade differentiates between the celestial/cosmic cycle, primarily concerned with the sun, moon and stars, and the terrestrial/ecological cycle, concerned with the changing seasons.

Jongeneel discusses the presence of Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) and secularism (humanism and secularism) and how they have shaped the modern perception of time in Africa. The paper also briefly discusses the work of Asian theologians and their views of cyclical time, which is also prevalent in Hinduism, Buddhism, Taoism, and Shinto.

Jongeneel, J. A. B. (2009). Africa’s understanding of time and history: the line over against the cycle. Missionalia: The South African Missiological Society, 37(3), 37–50.

Spirit Possession: a return to wholeness?

_{Sarkin Rafi during a Bori performance in Zaria. Source: (Okagbue, 2008)}

This article continues the exploration of spirits in Hausa Animism which was shared in a previous article titled ‘Spirits (Bori/Iskoki) in Hausa Animism‘. In the previous article, we learned that the Hausas believe that spirits were at one point humans who were then condemned to live as spirits, in the unseen world, by god.

The god-made division between the spirit and human siblings had consequences, especially for the human siblings who have to spend much of their lives appeasing their spirit-siblings. The spirit-siblings, according to Sullivan (2005), have had to rely on two main mediums of expressions, “the language of malady, which expresses their displeasure at being ignored or defiled” and “the language of the adept’s body, in which [the] spirits can manifest their otherwise ethereal presence in corporeal form.” Sullivan (2005) argues that spirit possession, or Bori, is a reintegration between the long-separated siblings, which brings about a balance (wholeness) in the wellbeing of the humans who would otherwise be doomed to suffer afflictions.

This piece is an attempt to uncover if and how other belief systems across the continent are similar to Hausa Animism in the belief that humans need to foster relationships with spirits for the sake of their wellbeing and wholeness.

Ngoma: Swahili ( Tanzania)

In Tanzania, spirit possession ceremonies are called Ngoma but, beyond possession rites, they are avenues for the veneration and propitiation of spirits to obtain healing, protection and help to ward off the influence of evil spirits and witchcraft (Giles, 2018). The term Ngoma also refers to various “performance(s), drumming, dancing, celebration, and ritual therapy” (Janzen, 1992). A simple search of the term Ngoma will bring up many results, most of which fail to state that Ngoma is, in fact, first a healing/possession ceremony (Ngoma za kutibu) out of which emerged the now better known and purely entertaining form of the ceremony (Janzen, 1992).

As Janzen (1992) shows in great detail, Ngomas are often an avenue for healing. The typical scenario is this: an individual suffers an ailment of unknown causes, and after a series of consultations with traditional medicine people, it is determined that a specific spirit is responsible for the sickness. At this point, a ceremony holds to appease the spirit. In many cases, the individual becomes an initiate into the cult of the spirit responsible for their ailment.

Ngoma cults have been referred to as “cults of affliction” (Janzen, 1992), perhaps because most new adherents join after being healed from their afflictions. It is worth noting that not all members of these cults suffered ailments before they joined. Both Janzen (1992) and Giles (2018) go into detail about the differences in Ngoma cults across Tanzania. Each region has various spirits they recognize, and in many cases, these spirits are often categorized based on their location (e.g. land and water spirits), their origins (e.g. Kiarabu or spirits of Arab origins, and Kipemba spirits or native Swahili spirits), e.t.c.

So while Ngoma might, in the modern-day, be a form of entertainment, its origins emphasized the role of spirits who are responsible for afflictions from which humans sought healing.

Holle Hori: Songhay (Niger)

The belief in spirits is a central feature in the religious system of the Songhay in Niger. Similar to Swahili, they also have characterizations of spirits based on their origins and some times, race. The more contact they had with foreigners, the more their pantheon of spirits expanded. For instance, the Genji Kwari, or white spirits, were included as they interacted with the Tuareg, who at the time were Islamic dispute arbitrators. Similarly, Hausa spirits (of sickness and death), were included in the Songhay pantheon in the nineteenth century (Stoller, 2010).

The existence of these spirits necessitated a cult of worshippers and possession troupes which often included priests, mediums, singers, and instrumentalists who launched spirit possession ceremonies or Holle Hori and staged rites that allowed the interaction between spirits and humans (Stoller, 2010).

Like in Tanzania, initiates of a particular spirit cult are typically those who have suffered ailments believed to be caused and healed by the spirit a cult is dedicated to. Similarly, and in many cases, it is only after being initiated that the spirit grants reprieve from the afflictions and the new devotee can live in harmony with the spirit. New members into spirit cults are said to “devote a large part of their lives to their spirits; they wear clothes associated with them, make sacrifices to them, and attend possession ceremonies” dedicated to these spirits (Berliner, 2009).

Two Halves of a Whole

Across the spiritual traditions discussed here, we see that humans and spirits seem to have a symbiotic relationship—where the existence of one depends on the other. A thread that connects Bori, Ngoma, and Halle Hori is the belief that humans are each born with an accompanying spirit, who might inflict an affliction on individuals if and when neglected. Any form of healing or respite comes after the spirit has been sought out and appeased. In many cases, these offerings are also initiation rites for the afflicted individual who then becomes a part of the cult dedicated to the spirit that had caused their ailment.

Belief in spirits, as observed in these traditions, have broad implications including. One implication is the conviction that there are forces beyond what human senses can perceive, and that these forces have a locus of influence spanning across every aspect of existence on Earth. As expressed by the fact that most aspects of the natural world have governing spirits, from rain, ailments, trees, animals, rocks and mountains, etc.

In Bori, for instance, we see that totem animals and certain sites (rivers, mountains, hills, trees) are venerated and protected because of their spiritual significance to adherents. As a result of the value placed on these animals and sites, they are often not allowed to be hunted or killed, and the sites are protected because they are holy (Danfulani, 1999).

Another implication of the belief in spirits would be the need to preserve the natural environment while being mindful that the existence of other living things enriches human existence. As seen with Bori, certain animals were sacred because they were totemic spirits, while parts of nature were holy sites because spirits resided there (Danfulani, 1999). Likewise, in Tanzania, we see distinctions between land and water spirits (Janzen, 1992). As a result, it is safe to assume that the behaviour of any people who hold such beliefs would aim at maintaining a balanced relationship with their immediate natural environment because they believe that spirits can and often do, lash out when not propitiated.

Naturally, these implications lead to more questions like, what explanations can be we find in African belief systems for the current state of the world? How would they explain global warming, or the COVID-19 outbreak, or mental health crises, for that matter? Should we be looking to these systems for redemption?

Refrences

Dale, G. (1920). The Peoples of Zanzibar: Their Customs and Religious Beliefs. Universities’ Mission to Central Africa.

Danfulani, U. H. D. (1999). Factors Contributing to the Survival of The Bori Cult in Northern Nigeria. Numen, 46(4), 412–447. https://doi.org/10.1163/1568527991201437

Giles, L. L. (1999). Spirit Possession & the Symbolic Construction of Swahili Society. In H. Heike & U. Luig (Eds.),   Spirit Possession, Modernity, and Power in Africa  . The University of Wisconsin Press.

Giles, L. L. (2018). Translocal Interconnections within the Swahili Spirit World. In F. Declich (Ed.), Translocal Connections across the Indian Ocean Swahili Speaking Networks on the Move. Brill.

Janzen, J. M. (1992). Ngoma Discourses of Healing in Central and Southern Africa. University of California Press. https://publishing.cdlib.org/ucpressebooks/view?docId=ft3779n8vf&chunk.id=d0e440&toc.depth=100&toc.id=d0e440&brand=ucpress

Luig, U. (1999). Constructing Local Worlds: Spirit Possession in the Gwembe Valley, Zambia. In H. Behrend & U. Luig (Eds.), Spirit Possession, Modernity, and Power in Africa. The University of Wisconsin Press.

Okagbue, O. (2008). Deviants and Outcasts: Power and Politics in Hausa Bori Performances. New Theatre Quarterly, 24(3), 270–280. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x08000328

Stoller, P. (2010). Fusion of the Worlds. University of Chicago Press.

Sullivan, J. (2005). Exploring Bori as a Site of Myth in Hausa Culture. Journal of African Cultural Studies, 17(2), 271–282. https://doi.org/10.1080/13696850500448378

Moon as Mother

_{Symbol of Nyame Amowia}

Many well-known myths across the world attest that the creation of the universe was undertaken by a singular supreme being who often is male or has been largely characterized as having male attributes. In many of these creation stories, the sun is often considered the physical representation of the genitor god and creator of the universe (Diop, 2019). However, in some lesser-known origin stories, the creator of the Universe is believed to be feminine and her physical representation is in the world is the moon.

A few traditional African belief systems fall under this lesser-known group that attribute the creation of the Universe to a feminine deity. This article shares some these creation stories from West Africa where the creation of the universe is attributed to a genitrix deity.

Nyame Amowia (Akan, Ghana)

The story of Nyame Amowia was introduced in a previous article where her role as the giver of life (souls) was emphasized. However, Nyame Amowia is also the creator of the entire Universe and everything in it. This genitrix deity is also known by different names, most of which indicate some of her attributes, including Amosu, “Giver of Rain”; Amowia, “Giver of the Sun”, and Amaomee “Giver of Plenitude” (Atlanta University Center, 2020). Nyame has been referred to as “the great deity of the Akan; a self-begotten, self-produced, and self-born, [who is] at once both male and female, the Supreme Being” (Danquah, 1952).

According to Danquah (1952), Nyame Amowia separated her masculine and feminine aspects and “crystallized” her spiritual power in her soul which bears her masculine side and is represented by the sun, also known to the Akan as the deity Nyankopon. Nyame herself is personified by the moon and represented on earth by the queen-mother (Danquah, 1952). While there are accounts that stress that Nyame is in fact a male deity, it was worth noting that the belief that Nyame is female gives credence to the fact that the Akan is a matrilineal society.

Nana Bukulu (Fon, Benin)

Nana Buluku is the deity and Supreme Being of the Fon people in who from the modern-day Benin Republic. However, Nana Buluku is not directly involved with the affairs of human beings. She is believed to have created the Universe and put it under the charge of her two progenitors, Mawu and Lisa both of whom are said to have absorbed the nature of the Nana Buluku. Often referred to as “MawuLisa,” these two children of Nana Bukulu lead a pantheon of sky deities with Mawu, embodied as the moon and possessing female attributes, and Lisa, embodied as the sun with male attributes. (Ikenga-Metuh, 1982).

Mawu, the female counterpart of the sky deities, is believed to embody other attributes including fertility, motherhood, gentleness, forgiveness, rest, and joy. It is also this deity who the Fon believe was tasked with creating the world, a task Mawu seems to have carried out singlehandedly. In the narration of the creation myth as described by Ikenga-Metuh (1982), it was Mawu who formed the first human beings from clay and water, however, after creation humans were blind and helpless so Mawu sent Lisa (the sun) to give light to the earth (Ikenga-Metuh, 1982).

Across borders in Ghana, Mawu was once worshipped as the supreme deity among the Ewe people. Mawu was known by herself in this region without her accompanying sibling, Lisa, as was known to the Fon. According to Greene (2002), Mawu’s significance as the supreme being had waned significantly by the 19^th century largely because the economic activity shifted from the Ewe region where Mawu reigned as supreme being to other regions of the Gold Coast (Greene, 2002).

Woyengi (Ijaw, Nigeria)

The Ijaw people of modern-day southern Nigeria believe that Woyengi – a name that translates to “great mother” – is the sole creator of the earth. While she is the only deity presented here who has not been associated with the moon,  Woyengi is believed to have descended on earth through a bolt of lightning. It is said that she stood on the edge of the universe and observed Earth filled with animals and vegetation but without humans. Using the mud from the earth, Woyengi is said to have created human dolls who were neither male nor female and afterwards, she filled their lungs with the breath of life (Asante & Mazama, 2009).

The Ijaw believe that each doll Wonyegi created was given a chance to choose their gender (male or female), the kind of blessings they wished to receive, and their occupations. Woyengi did not give a chance for the humans she created to change their minds after they chose genders, professions, and material blessings. For this reason, she came to be known as the goddess of destiny (Asante & Mazama, 2009).

Moon as a Symbol of Femininity

The analogy between women (femininity) and the moon is a feature of many cultures across the world. This connection is perhaps prevalent because of how the menstrual cycle often imitates the lunar cycle (Diop, 2019). There is another school of thought that connects the feminization of the moon to various gods of water who are often described as passive and continuous (Diop, 2019). While the latter assessment of feminine gods as passive may hold in some cultures, it is worth noting that there is nothing passive about the feminine deities whose stories have been narrated here. These deities are quite non-passive such that their adherents attribute the creation of the entire world to them.

It is also worth noting that across cultures, some feminine deities have been usurped by masculine gods. This has often led to inaccuracies in the documentation of their stories (Diop, 2019). An example is the story of Nyame Amowia, some accounts this deity (see: Edsman, 1955) ascribe masculine attributes to her, however, the fact that the Akan is a matrilineal group might be what gives credibility to the feminine attributes of this deity.

The gender attributes of deities in African Traditional Religions might seem to be trivial when taken at face value, however, gender, as many of us can attest, often determines status in society, among other profound effects. Now, imagine what assigning gender, or even misattributing it, can do for a god its believers.

Sources:

• Asante, M. K., & Mazama, A. (Eds.). (2009). Encyclopedia of African religion. Thousand Oaks, Calif: SAGE.
• Atlanta University Center. (2020, July 16). Traditional African Religions: Akan. Atlanta University. Retrieved May 29, 2021, from https://research.auctr.edu/c.php?g=404402&p=2752856
• Danquah, J. B. (1952). The Culture of Akan. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, 22(4), 360–366. Retrieved May 29, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/1156919
• Diop, I. S. (2019). African Mythology, Femininity, and Maternity. Springer Nature.
• Edsman, C.-M. (1955). The Sacral Kingship / La Regalità Sacra. Rome, Italy: BRILL.
• Greene, S. E. (2002). Sacred Sites and the Colonial Encounter. Indiana University Press.
• Ikenga-Metuh, E. (1982). Religious Concepts in West African Cosmogonies: A Problem of Interpretation. Journal of Religion in Africa, Vol. 13 (1982)(1), 11–24. Retrieved May 29, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/1581115

The Yoruba Religion Reader

The Yoruba traditional religion is one of few African religious systems that are known worldwide and have adherents outside of the African Continent. Perhaps, as a result of its popularity outside of the Continent, this African religious system has been the subject of many scholarly articles and books. So much has been written about the traditional belief system of the Yorubas that it almost borders on redundancy to attempt to write something new. For this reason, rather than attempt to create something where so much has been said and done, I have chosen instead to share a list of some articles and books which might be useful to anyone who is curious about the Yoruba belief system.

This list will be updated with new material on the subject periodically. Additionally, if there are any books and scholars you would like to see listed here, please send an email to atreligions@gmail.com.

List of Resources

Abimbola, Wande. Ifá: An Exposition of Ifá Literary Corpus. Oxford University Press, 1976.

Beier, Ulli. Yoruba Myths. CUP Archive, 1980.

Epega, David Onadele. The Mystery of Yoruba Gods. Imọlẹ Oluwa Institute, 1931.

Falola, Toyin, and Ann Genova, editors. Orisa: Yoruba Gods and Spiritual Identity in Africa and the Diaspora. Africa World Press, 2005.

Idowu, E. Bolaji. Olódùmarè: God in Yoruba Belief. Longmans, 1962.

Karade, Ifa. The Handbook of Yoruba Religious Concepts. Weiser Books, 1994.

Olupona, Jacob K. “The Study of Yoruba Religious Tradition in Historical Perspective.” Numen, vol. 40, no. 3, 1993, pp. 240–73. Brill, doi:10.1163/156852793×00176.

Olupona, Jacob K., and Rowland O. Abiodun, Editors. Ifa Divination, Knowledge, Power, and Performance. Indiana University Press, 2016.

Olupona, Jacob K., and Terry Rey, editors. Orisa Devotion as World Religion: The Globalization of Yoruba Religious Culture. University of Wisconsin Press, 2007.

Omosade Awolalu, J. “Yoruba Sacrificial Practice.” J Religion Afr, vol. 5, no. 2, 1973, pp. 81–93. Brill, doi:10.1163/157006673×00069.

Oyèláràn, Ọlásopé O. “Èṣù and Ethics in the Yorùbá World View.” Africa, vol. 90, no. 2, Cambridge University Press (CUP, pp. 377–407, doi:doi: 10.1017/s0001972019001098.

Pemberton, John. “Eshu-Elegba: The Yoruba Trickster God.” African Arts, vol. 9, no. 1, Oct. 1975, p. 20. JSTOR, doi:10.2307/3334976.

Staewen, Christoph. Ifa–African Gods Speak: The Oracle of the Yoruba in Nigeria. Edited by Friderun Schönberg, Lit Verlag, 1996.

Of Cycles, and What Happens When We Die

^{Owuo Atwedee, the Adrinka symbol known as “ladder of death”, representing man’s mortality}

Those of us in the Northern Hemisphere just marked the Vernal Equinox. This is the day the Sun crosses the equator and begins traveling towards the Southern part of the globe. Having spent the last six months in darkness (think shorter days, winter), the Vernal Equinox marks the beginning of Spring in the Northern Hemisphere. The keenly observant will notice more hours of sunlight, aka, longer days. 

As one part of the world embraced more light, another part begins to experience its absence. The Southern Hemisphere also just marked the beginning of Autumn, a period which is largely characterized by long nights and shorter days. 

In African traditional thought, it is believed that our lives, and indeed death, are continuous events not unlike the cycles we observe in nature such as the beginning of Spring and Autumn which both occur at the same time but mean and look different depending on which side of the equator one finds themselves. 

Death is perceived not as an ending, rather, as a continuation of a cycle that began before we materialized in this realm and will continue long after our souls have taken flight from it. The beliefs of the Akan, a group now predominantly in modern-day Ghana, put this in perspective. 

From Nyame We Came… 

According to the Akan, our lifeforce (soul) comes from the genitrix deity and creator of the universe, Nyame Amowia, whose physical manifestation is the moon. It is believed that a child is born after it receives the life force, known as Kra, given by the Sun deity, Nyankopon, who acts on behalf of Nyame Amowia. Sometimes a child might receive the Kra of an ancestor who failed in a previous life to be a good human. Nyankopon condemns such a person’s soul to perpetual reincarnation until a descendant reincarnated on earth attains good spiritual standing. It is only then that the soul can once again become one with Nyame’s eternal Kra (Meyerowitz, 1951).

The Kra is often mistaken with a closely related concept known as the Honhom which translates to “breath.” The Akan are known to say “ne honhom ko,” when a person passes away. This translates to, “his breath is gone.” Alternatively, they say “nekra afi ne ho,” translating to “his soul has withdrawn from his body” (Frimpong, 2011). 

…To Nyame We Shall Return

While the statements above are similar, Kra and Honhom are two distinguishable concepts. Honhom, breath, inadvertently symbolizes the presence of Kra in any living human being. Consequently, when a person dies (stops breathing), it is said that the Honhom leaves, and, logically, the Kra is also believed to have departed from the body (Danquah, 1952).

After death, it is said that the Honhom flies back, in the shape of a bird, to the mother and creator of the universe, Nyame. The soul, however, is left to labor up a steep hill until it reaches Nyankopon who will then judge and determine if the soul has to return (reincarnate) to earth, or if it can proceed to become one with the Nyame. 

The Dead are Never Dead

According to Okwu (1979), in African traditional thought, the physical plane of existence where humans inhabit and the spiritual plane are essentially two sides of the same coin. As such, life on earth can be explained as the side of the coin where the soul, “the seed of the creator” is seen to exist in a conscious, physical, and integrated union with the material body. Consequently, across various African belief systems, death is not regarded as the end of existence, rather as the ultimate rite of passage each human being has to go through (Okwu, 1979).

The belief in a spiritual plane of existence – unseen, untouched, and inaccessible to us humans – fuels ancestral veneration, or what many Western scholars have inaccurately referred to as “ancestral worship.” Okwu (1979) states: “the members of the supernatural world are regarded as an integral part of the material world. This implies that in important human social functions, such as marriages, birth and naming ceremonies, initiation, and healing, the opinions and/or approval of the members of the spirit plane are not merely invoked and observed; their participation and benediction are also requested.” (Okwu, 1979). 

John Mbiti, a foremost scholar of African religions, asserts that even the language used when talking about death and dying across various parts of the Continent often implies a sort of home-going for the departed. This is also indicated by various customs and rituals which can be observed during funerals. For example, various groups across the Continent are known for burying their dead with various paraphernalia and household items such as food, stools, tobacco, clothing, etc. These items are believed to be needed on the journey to the next world (Mbiti, 1970).

So What?

Across the Continent, many beliefs are cyclical rather than linear in nature. This means that many cultures hold the belief that life has no end; like the sun, our souls continue to move in a cyclical motion. We are a part of the divine before we are born and when our breath and soul leave our physical bodies, they continue to journey on a path that ultimately leads back to the creator. As Mbiti (1970) says: “death is death and the beginning of a permanent ontological departure of the individual from mankind to spirithood.”

Sources

Danquah, J. B. (1952). The Culture of Akan. Africa, 22(4), 360–366. 10.2307/1156919

Frimpong, A. D. (2011, December 1). Purity And Impurity: Menstruation And Its Impact On The Role Of Akan Women In The Church. Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. https://research.vu.nl/en/publications/purity-and-impurity-menstruation-and-its-impact-on-the-role-of-ak

Mbiti, John. S. (1970). African religions & philosophy. Heinemann.

Meyerowitz, E. L. R. (1951). Concepts of the Soul among the Akan of the Gold Coast. Africa, 21(1), 24–31. 10.2307/1156155

Okwu, A. S. O. (1979). Life, Death, Reincarnation, and Traditional Healing in Africa. Issue: A Journal of Opinion, 9(3), 19. 10.2307/1166258

Fang Fire Beliefs, Customs, and Rituals

African fire rituals and customs can be traced as far back as the oldest human ancestors known to man. The San people in South Africa trace their ancestry to at least 20,000 years ago, and their fire rituals can possibly be traced as far back as their ancestors. The San have two main fire rituals: the “great ‘medicine or healing dance” and the “rain dance.” During both ceremonies, dancers would move clockwise around a fire with the men dancing first and the women following after. As the intensity of the dance increased, dancers were believed to transcend into the spirit world where they either interceded for the sick or asked the spirits to send rain. It wasn’t uncommon to see San fire dancers walk through fire without feeling pain or getting burned in their transcended state.

Similarly, elsewhere on the continent, in West Africa precisely, fire dancers are also able to achieve similar feats. In certain Togolese fire ceremonies, participants can be seen placing hot embers in their mouths while others attempt to put out flaming torches with theirs. Very much like the San in the southern African region, the Tem people of Togo mark their fire ceremonies with music and dancing often culminating in a state of trance during which they are also able to achieve unusual feats with fire.

As with all of the elements in our natural environment, fire served and continues to serve, various functions in the customs and practices of many African religions. This piece focuses on the beliefs, customs, and rituals, of fire as it expressed and lived by the Fang people of Western Africa.

Origin of the Fang

The Fang (aka Fãn) are said to have migrated from north-west Africa during the 18th and 19th centuries. They currently inhabit regions in southern Cameroon; mainland Equatorial Guinea, and Gabon. As a result of their movement across wide distances and locations, the traditional practices and beliefs of the Fang evolved from what was largely a single belief and cultural system to diverse cultural systems and languages. There are at least five different languages that have been identified as belonging to the Fang group of languages. As a result, many people could identify as being Fang, however, the languages they speak would differ. 

Fang Fire Symbolisms 

In the Fang belief system, the Sun is regarded as the father (tata) of all heat and thus from whom humans receive fire (Bennett, 1899). Perhaps as a result of this, fire is one of four elements (including the moon, sun, and water) that are venerated among the Fang. These four elements were believed to be represented by specific animals and the animals themselves later became objects of worship alongside the elements in their cults. For instance, the black-backed horned antelope stood for the moon (horned creatures, in any case, were associated with the equatorial crescent moon); the elephant stood for water; the gorilla stood for fire; the cock stood for the sun (Fernandez, 1982). 

Among the Fang, fire is known and used for its cleansing power. Once a year all fires in Fang villages are put out and during that time, the entire village is swept and all the trash is dumped in the forest. Once this is done, the fires are then lit in an act that signals a new beginning for the entire village. 

Another ritual observed among the Fang involves the wives of recently deceased men. After their period of mourning is complete, Fang widows are required to cross burning flames while being flogged. This act is believed to serve two purposes: first, as a method of purifying women after a period of grieving; and secondly,  as an initiation process into a supposedly new path which these women would have to now walk (Bennett, 1899). 

Fang Religious Societies

Religious cults and groups were also a prominent feature in Fang societies and fire played a prominent role in two of them. 

Bwiti

Bwiti has been referred to as a politico-religious society that emerged from Fang religious customs and traditions. It is an animistic religious system based on a belief in spirits and ancestral veneration. The belief system has since syncretized with Christianity and there are now Bwiti churches in Gabon where Christian and traditional Bwiti rituals are performed side-by-side. For example, the use of a spiritual herb and hallucinogenic (known as Iboga) during Catholic Masses (BBC, 2014). 

Being an offshoot of Fang traditional beliefs, Bwiti has certain fire rituals that are similar and might seem to imitate Fang fire rituals. Among Bwiti practitioners, for instance, the practice of cleansing the village with fire, as previously described, happens once a week rather than once a year. However, in the Bwiti belief system, the cleanse is a celebration that lasts all night long and is often marked in remembrance of the creation of the world and the creation of mankind. 

Bwiti practitioners also equate stars to fire and one of the common beliefs is that falling (shooting) stars represent a birth that has just taken place or a soul (fire) that has taken up residence of life in a being here on earth. Similarly, it is believed that when a person dies, the fire that is their soul returns to the place it came from. 

Ngi Cult

Ngi is Fang for gorilla and as earlier stated, gorillas are the animal representation of fire. The Ngi Cult was popular across Fang societies was often referred to as the Gorilla Cult or the Cult of Fire (Fernandez, 1982). The cult was largely male-based and was tasked with maintaining law and order within Fang communities. It was also a powerful ‘anti-witchcraft cult’ that mainly thrived during the late pre-colonial and early colonial periods. The leader of the cult had the power to navigate both the physical and spirit worlds and was thus able to strike sorcerers (Cinnamon, 2012).

The symbolism of the gorilla as the totem animal of the Ngi Cult ties back to it being the representation of fire which, as we have seen so far, is an element that cleanses and infuses beings with life. It is thus plausible that the Ngi Cult was responsible for cleansing Fang societies off sorcerers who used their powers for evil, as well as maintaining law and order while protecting lives and property. 

Post Script

Beyond its typical domestic uses, fire lights up our lives, and according to Bwiti practitioners, it is the very stuff that gives us life. Many modern African countries do not have room for the rituals and beliefs of fire as described here, yet, fire is still a potent element that we continue to go back to. Whether during uprisings as a way to express our anger at the state of things, or in customary bush burning to prepare the ground for yet another period of farming, fire continues to retain its power as an element that not only keeps us alive but also purifies us, collectively and individually.